The purpose of this site it to explain the general scientific outlook of Marxism, dialectical materialism, in the form in which it must concretely exist in the present - the theory  of world social revolution






This work, written by Engels in 1880, deals with a question which is of greater importance today that at any time since it was written, the necessity of the transformation of society from one based on the capitalist free market economy to a socialist society. Until recent years, those who understood this necessity had reached this conclusion on the basis of economic and political considerations, and these are as valid as ever, indeed more so.  But today there is a reason for the transformation to socialist society, that is, to one based on the public ownership of the means of production and democratically controlled planned economy, which we ignore at our peril, global warming. 


If we produce, then we pollute.  Clearly then, decisions as to what is produced, how much is produced, and how it is to be shared among us, cannot any longer be left to those private owners who control vast sectors of the economy and produce for profit, without any regard for the necessity or otherwise of what is produced, or the polluting effect of their activities, as long as a profit is made. If the planet is to remain inhabitable for more than one or two generations more the anarchy of private enterprise and the free market must be replaced by carefully planned economy under democratic public control.


Today it is more than ever important to understand the difference between the two approaches to the question of socialism, the Utopian or unscientific approach, and the scientific or Marxist approach.  As a materialist, Engels understood that the world exists independently of our thought and knowledge of it, that it is in constant motion and change, and that our thought and knowledge is a reflection of the ever changing world which is external to thought.  Theories concerning the nature of society must therefore reflect the ever changing and evolving technical and economic means to life, and clearly the changes must take place before theory can reflect them.


In this work, Engels explains that it was not possible for early socialist theory to rise to the level of science, and goes on to show that as the capitalist mode of production matured during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries it became possible to grasp its inner contradictions and conclude from these that the transition from capitalism to socialism was not simply a good idea for a better and more just world, but the next necessary stage in the evolution of mankind as a species.  Speaking of the crude beginnings of the capitalist system in the late eighteenth, early nineteenth century, Engels says:-


“To the crude conditions of capitalist production and the crude class conditions corresponded crude theories.  The solution of the social problems, which as yet lay hidden in undeveloped economic conditions, the Utopians attempted to evolve out of the human brain.  Society presented nothing but wrongs; to remove these wrongs was the task of reason.  It was necessary, then, to discover a new and more perfect system of social order and to impose this upon society from without by propaganda, and, wherever it was possible, by the example of model experiments.  These new social systems were foredoomed as Utopian; the more completely they were worked out in detail, the more they could not avoid drifting off into pure fantasies.”


Here we have the essence of unscientific, Utopian socialist theory, and astonishing though it may seem, it is this kind of thinking that dominates among those who consider themselves to be socialist to this day, such as we may find in the Labour Party for example, and this is the reason why, after over a hundred years of what may justly be described as political duplicity, the Labour Party has got us not one step nearer to socialism and never will.  In this work Engels traces through the development of science during the capitalist era, and proceeds to place social theory in general and the theory of socialism in particular on its right and proper scientific basis. Though the work was written in 1880, subsequent history consists of an uninterrupted series of confirmations of this scientific theory advanced by Engels. The recurring economic crises of which he speaks have increased in scale and intensity, resulting in social disruption on a universal scale, fascist dictatorships, continual wars of conquest and the two world wars of the twentieth century, and finally, the poisoning of the planet. 


Due to the collapse of the Soviet Union, the direct result of the rise of the brutal Stalinist dictatorship in the 1920’s after the death of Lenin, and its betrayal of the revolution of 1917, vitally important literature such as this is becoming increasingly difficult to obtain. For this reason it was felt necessary to carefully copy this most important work, so that it can be reproduced by photo-copy. It has been taken from Marx and Engels Selected Works, Lawrence and Wishart, second printing 1970. Passages of particular importance have been presented in bold type, the italics are original.


   Terry Button, December 2006.



Socialism: Utopian and Scientific





Modern socialism is, in its essence, the direct product of the recognition, on the one hand, of the class antagonisms existing in the society of today between proprietors and non-proprietors, between capitalists and wage workers; on the other hand, of the anarchy of existing production.  But, in its theoretical form, modern socialism originally appears ostensibly as a more logical extension of the principles laid down by the great French philosophers of the eighteenth century.  Like every new theory, modern socialism had, at first, to connect itself with the intellectual stock-in-trade ready to hand, however deeply its roots lay in material economic facts.


The great men, who in France prepared men’s minds for the coming revolution, were themselves extreme revolutionists.  They recognised no external authority of any kind whatever.  Religion, natural science, society, political institutions – everything was subjected to the most unsparing criticism:  everything must justify its existence before the judgement-seat of reason or give up existence.  Reason became the sole measure of everything.  It was the time when, as Hegel says, the world stood upon its head: first in the sense that the human head, and the principles arrived at by its thought, claimed to be the basis of all human action and association; but by and by, also, in the wider sense that the reality which was in contradiction to these principles had, in fact, to be turned upside down.  Every form of society and government then existing, every old traditional notion was flung into the lumber-room as irrational; the world had hitherto allowed itself to be led solely by prejudices; everything in the past deserved only pity and contempt.  Now, for the first time, appeared the light of day, the kingdom of reason; henceforth superstition, injustice, privilege, oppression, were to be superseded by eternal truth, eternal Right, equality based on Nature and the inalienable rights of man. 


We know today that this kingdom of reason was nothing more than the idealised kingdom of the bourgeoisie; that this eternal Right found its realisation in bourgeois justice; that this equality reduced itself to bourgeois equality before the law; that bourgeois property was proclaimed as one of the essential rights of man; and that the government of reason, the Contrat Social of Rousseau, came into being, and only could come into being, as a democratic bourgeois republic.  The great thinkers of the eighteenth century could, no more than their predecessors, go beyond the limits imposed upon them by their epoch.


But, side by side with the antagonism of feudal nobility and the burghers, who claimed to represent the rest of society, was the general antagonism of exploiters and exploited, of rich idlers and poor workers.  It was this very circumstance that made it possible for the representatives of the bourgeoisie to put themselves forward as representing not one special class, but the whole of suffering humanity.  Still further.  From its origin the bourgeoisie was saddled with its antithesis;  capitalists cannot exist without wage workers, and, in the same proportion as the mediaeval burgher of the guild  developed into the modern bourgeois, the guild journeyman and the day-labourer, outside the guilds, developed into the proletarian.  And although, upon the whole, the bourgeoisie, in their struggle with the nobility, could claim to represent at the same time the interests of the different working classes of that period, yet in every great bourgeois movement there were independent outbursts of that class which was the forerunner, more or less developed, of the modern proletariat.  For example, at the time of the German Reformation and the Peasants War, the Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer; in the great English Revolution, the Levellers; the great French Revolution, Babeuf.


There were theoretical enunciations corresponding with these revolutionary uprisings of a class not yet developed; in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Utopian pictures of ideal social conditions; in the eighteenth, actual communistic theories (Morelly and Mably). The demand for equality was no longer limited to political rights;  it was extended also to the social conditions of individuals.  It was not simply class privileges that were to be abolished, but class distinctions themselves.  A communism, ascetic, denouncing all the pleasures of life, Spartan, was the first form of the new teaching.  Then came the three great Utopians; Saint-Simon, to whom the middle class movement, side by side with the proletarian, still had a certain significance;  Fourier; and Owen, who in the country where capitalist production was most developed, and under the influence of the antagonisms begotten of this, worked out his proposals for the removal of class distinction systematically and in direct relation to French materialism.


One thing is common to all three. None of them appears as a representative of the interests of that proletariat which historical development had, in the meantime, produced.  Like the French philosophers, they do not claim to emancipate a particular class to begin with, but all humanity at once.  Like them, they wish to bring in the kingdom of reason and eternal justice, but this kingdom, as they see it, is as far as heaven from earth, from that of the French philosophers.


For, to our three social reformers, the bourgeois world, based upon the principles of these philosophers, is quite as irrational and unjust, and, therefore, finds its way into the dust-hole quite as readily as feudalism and all the earlier stages of society.  If pure reason and justice have not, hitherto, ruled the world, this has been the case only because men have not rightly understood them.  What was wanted was the individual man of genius, who has now arisen and who understands the truth. That he has now arisen, that the truth has now been clearly understood, is not an inevitable event, following of necessity in the chain of historical development, but a mere happy accident.  He might just as well have been born 500 years earlier, and might then have spared humanity 500 years of error, strife, and suffering.


We saw how the French philosophers of the eighteenth century, forerunners of the Revolution, appealed to reason as the sole judge of all that is.  A rational government, rational society, were to be founded; everything that ran counter to eternal reason was to be remorselessly done away with.  We saw also that this eternal reason was in reality nothing but the understanding of the eighteenth century citizen, just then evolving into the bourgeois.  The French Revolution had realised this rational society and government.


But the new order of things, rational enough as compared with earlier conditions, turned out to be by no means absolutely rational.  The state based upon reason completely collapsed. Rousseau’s Contrat Social had found its realisation in the Reign of Terror, from which the bourgeoisie, who had lost confidence in their own political capacity, had taken refuge first in the corruption of the Directorate, and, finally, under the wing of the Napoleonic despotism.  The promised eternal peace was turned into an endless war of conquest.  The society based upon reason had fared no better.  The antagonism between rich and poor, instead of dissolving into general prosperity, had become intensified by the removal of the guild and other privileges, which had to some extent bridged it over, and by the removal of the charitable institutions of the church.  The “freedom of property” from feudal fetters, now veritably accomplished, turned out to be, for the small capitalists and small proprietors, the freedom to sell their small property, crushed under the overmastering competition of the large capitalists and landlords, to these great lords, and thus, as far as the small capitalists and peasant proprietors were concerned, became “freedom from property”. The development of industry upon a capitalistic basis made poverty and misery of the working masses conditions of existence of society.  Cash payment became more and more, in Carlyles’s phrase, the sole nexus between man and man.  The number of crimes increased from year to year.  Formally, the feudal vices had openly stalked about in broad daylight; though not eradicated, they were now at any rate thrust into the background.  In their stead, the bourgeois vices, hitherto practiced in secret, began to blossom all the more luxuriantly.  Trade became to a greater and greater extentcheating.  The “fraternity” of the revolutionary motto was realised in the chicanery and rivalries of the battle of competition.  Oppression by force was replaced by corruption; the sword, as the first social lever, by gold.  The right of the first night was transferred from the feudal lords to the bourgeois manufacturers.  Prostitution increased to an extent never heard of.  Marriage itself remained, as before, the legally recognised form, the official cloak of prostitution, and, moreover, was supplemented by rich crops of adultery.


In a word, compared with the splendid promises of the philosophers, the social and political institutions born of the “triumph of reason” were bitterly disappointing caricatures.  All that was wanting was the men to formulate this disappointment, and they came with the turn of the century.  In 1802 Saint-Simon’s Geneva letters appeared; in 1808 appeared Fourier’s first work, although the groundwork of his theory dated from 1799; on January 1, 1800, Robert Owen undertook the direction of New Lanark.


At this time, however, the capitalist mode of production, and with it the antagonism between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, was still very incompletely developed.  Modern industry, which had just arisen in England, was still unknown in France.  But modern industry develops, on the one hand, the conflicts which make absolutely necessary a revolution in the mode of production, and the doing away with its capitalistic character – conflicts not only between the classes begotten of it, but also between the very productive forces and forms of exchange created by it.  And, on the other hand, it develops, in these very gigantic productive forces, the means of ending these conflicts.  If, therefore, about the year 1800, the conflicts arising from the new social order were only just beginning to take shape, this holds still more fully as to the means of ending them.  The “have-nothing” masses of Paris, during the Reign of Terror, were able for a moment to gain the mastery, and thus to lead the bourgeois revolution to victory in spite of the bourgeoisie themselves. But, in doing so, they only proved how impossible it was for their domination to last under the conditions then obtaining.  The proletariat, which then for the first time evolved itself from these “have-nothing” masses as the nucleus of a new class, as yet quite incapable of independent political action, appeared as an oppressed, suffering order, to whom, in its incapacity to help itself, help could, at best, be brought in from without or down from above.


This historical situation also dominated the founders of socialism.  To the crude conditions of capitalist production and the crude class conditions corresponded crude theories.  The solution of the social problems, which as yet lay hidden in undeveloped economic conditions, the Utopians attempted to evolve out of the human brain.  Society presented nothing but wrongs; to remove these wrongs was the task of reason.  It was necessary, then, to discover a new and more perfect system of social order and to impose this upon society from without by propaganda, and, wherever it was possible, by the example of model experiments.  These new social systems were foredoomed as Utopian; the more completely they were worked out in detail, the more they could not avoid drifting off into pure fantasies.


These facts once established, we need not dwell a moment longer upon this side of the question, now wholly belonging to the past.  We can leave it to the literary small fry to solemnly quibble over these fantasies, which today only make us smile, and to crow over the superiority of their own bald reasoning, as compared with such “insanity”.  For ourselves, we delight in the stupendously grand thoughts and germs of thought that everywhere break out through their fantastic covering, and to which these philistines are blind.


Saint-Simon was a son of the great French Revolution, at the outbreak of which he was not yet thirty.  The Revolution was the victory of the third estate, i.e., of the great masses of the nation, working in production and in trade, over the privileged idle classes, the nobles and the priests.  But the victory of the third estate soon revealed itself as exclusively the victory of a small part of this “estate”, as the conquest of political power by the socially privileged section of it, i.e., the propertied bourgeoisie.  And the bourgeoisie had certainly developed rapidly during the Revolution, partly by speculation in the lands of the nobility and of the church, confiscated and afterwards put up for sale, and partly by frauds upon the nation by means of army contracts.  It was the domination of these swindlers that, under the Directorate, brought France to the verge of ruin, and thus gave Napoleon the pretext for his coup d’état. 


Hence, to Saint-Simon the antagonism between the third estate and the privileged classes took the form of an antagonism between “workers” an “idlers”.  The idlers were not merely the old privileged classes, but also all who, without taking any part in production or distribution, lived on their incomes.  And the workers were not only the wage workers, but also the manufacturers, the merchants, the bankers.  That the idlers had lost the capacity for intellectual leadership and political supremacy had been proved, and was by the revolution finally settled.  That the non-possessing classes had not this capacity seemed to Saint-Simon proved by the experiences of the Reign of Terror.  Then, who was to lead and command?  According to Saint-Simon, science and industry, both united by a new religious bond, destined to restore that unity of religious ideas which had been lost since the time of the Reformation – a necessarily mystic and rigidly hierarchic  “new Christianity”.  But science, that was the scholars; and industry, that was, in the first place, the working bourgeois, manufacturers, merchants, bankers.  These bourgeois were, certainly, intended by Saint-Simon to transform themselves into a kind of public officials, of social trustees; but they were still to hold, vis-à-vis of the workers, a commanding and economically privileged position. The bankers especially were to be called upon to direct the whole of social production by the regulation of credit.  This conception was in exact keeping with a time in which modern industry in France and, with it, the chasm between bourgeoisie and proletariat was only just coming into existence.  But what Saint-Simon especially lays stress upon is this: what interests him first, and above all other things, is the lot of the class that is the most numerous and the most poor (“la classe la plus nombreause et la plus pauvre”).


Already in his Geneva letters, Saint-Simon lays down the proposition that “all men ought to work”.  In the same work he recognises also that the Reign of Terror was the reign of the non-possessing masses.  “See”, he says to them, “what happened in France at the time when your comrades held sway there:  they brought about a famine.”  But to recognise the French Revolution as a class war, and not simply one between nobility and bourgeoisie, but between nobility, bourgeoisie, and the non-possessors, was, in the year 1802, a most pregnant discovery.  In 1816, he declares that politics is the science of production, and foretells the complete absorption of politics by economics. The knowledge that economic conditions are the basis of political institutions appears here only in embryo.  Yet what is here already very plainly expressed is the idea of the future conversion of political rule over men into an administration of things and a direction of processes of production – that is to say, the “abolition of the state”, about which recently there has been so much noise.


Saint-Simon shows the same superiority over his contemporaries, when in 1814, immediately after the entry of the allies into Paris, and again in 1815, during the hundred days’ war, he proclaims the alliance of France with England, and then both these countries with Germany, as the only guarantee for the prosperous development and peace of Europe.  To preach to the French in 1815 an alliance with the victors of Waterloo requires as much courage as historical foresight.


If  in Saint-Simon we find a comprehensive breadth of view, by virtue of which almost all ideas of later socialists that are not strictly economic are found in him in embryo, we find in Fourier a criticism of existing conditions of society, genuinely French and witty, but not upon that account any the less thorough.  Fourier takes the bourgeoisie, their inspired prophets before the Revolution, and their interested eulogists after it, at their own word.  He lays bare remorselessly the material and moral misery of the bourgeois world.  He confronts it with the earlier philosophers’ dazzling promises of a society in which reason alone should reign, of a civilisation in which happiness should be universal, of an illimitable human perfectibility, and with the rose-coloured phraseology of the bourgeois ideologists of the time.  He points out how everywhere the most pitiful reality corresponds with the most high sounding phrases, and he overwhelms this hopeless fiasco of phrases with his mordant sarcasm.


Fourier is not the only critic; his imperturbably serene nature makes him a satirist, and assuredly one of the greatest satirists of all time.  He depicts, with equal power and charm, the swindling speculations that blossomed out upon the downfall of the Revolution, and the shopkeeping spirit in, and characteristic of, French commerce at that time.  Still more masterly is his criticism of the bourgeois form of the relations between the sexes, and the position of woman in bourgeois society.  He was the first to declare that in any given society the degree of woman’s emancipation is the natural measure of the general emancipation.


But Fourier is at his greatest in his conception of the history of society.  He divides its whole course, thus far, into four stages of evolution – savagery, barbarism, the patriarchate, civilisation.  This last is identical with the so-called civil, or bourgeois, society of today – i.e., with the social order that came in with the sixteenth century.  He proves “that the civilised stage raises every vice practiced by barbarism in a simple fashion into a form of existence, complex, ambiguous, equivocal, hypocritical” – That civilisation moves in “a vicious circle”, in contradictions which it constantly reproduces without being able to solve them; hence it constantly arrives at the very opposite to that which it wants to attain, or pretends to want to attain, so that, e.g., “under civilisation poverty is born of super-abundance itself.”


Fourier, as we see, uses the dialectic method in the same masterly way as his contemporary, Hegel.  Using these same dialectics, he argues against the talk about illimitable human perfectibility, that every historic phase has its period of ascent and also its period of descent, and he applies this observation to the future of the whole human race.  As Kant introduces into natural science the idea of the ultimate destruction of the earth, Fourier introduces into historical science that of the ultimate destruction of the human race.


Whilst in France the hurricane of the Revolution swept over the land, in England a quieter, but not on that account less tremendous, revolution was going on.  Steam and the new toolmaking machinery were transforming manufacture into modern industry, and thus revolutionising the whole foundation of bourgeois society.  The sluggish march of development of the manufacturing period changed into a veritable storm and stress period of production.  With constantly increasing swiftness the splitting-up of society into large capitalists and non-possessing proletarians went on.  Between these, instead of the former stable middle class, an unstable mass of artisans and small shopkeepers, the most fluctuating portion of the population, now led a precarious existence.


The new mode of production was, as yet, only at the beginning of its period of ascent; as yet it was the normal, regular method of production – the only one possible under existing conditions.  Nevertheless, even then it was producing crying social abuses – the herding together of the homeless population in the worst quarters of the large towns; the loosening of all traditional moral bonds, of patriarchal subordination, of family relations; overwork, especially of women and children, to a frightful extent;  complete demoralisation of the working class, suddenly flung into altogether new conditions, from the country into the town, from agriculture into modern industry, from stable conditions of existence into insecure ones that changed from day to day.


At this juncture there came forward as a reformer a manufacturer 29 years old – a man of almost sublime, childlike simplicity of character, and at the same time one of the few born leaders of men.  Robert Owen had adopted the teaching of the materialistic philosophers: that man’s character is the product, on the one hand, of heredity: on the other, of the environment of the individual during his lifetime, and especially during his period of development.  In the industrial revolution most of his class saw only chaos and confusion, and the opportunity of fishing in these troubled waters and making large fortunes quickly.  He saw in it the opportunity of putting into practice his favourite theory, and so of bringing order out of chaos.  He had already tried it with success, as superintendent of more than 500 men in a Manchester factory. From 1800 to 1829, he directed a great cotton mill at New Lanark, in Scotland, as managing partner, along the same lines, but with greater freedom of action and with a success that made him a European reputation.  A population, originally consisting of the most diverse and, for the most part, very demoralised elements, a population that gradually grew to 2,500, he turned it into a model colony, in which drunkenness, police, magistrates, lawsuits, poor laws, charity, were unknown.  And all this simply by placing the people in conditions worthy of human beings, and especially by bringing up the rising generation.  He was the founder of infant schools, and introduced them first at New Lanark.  At the age of two the children came to school, where they enjoyed themselves so much that they could scarcely be got home again.  Whilst his competitors worked their people thirteen or fourteen hours a day, in New Lanark the working-day was only ten and a half hours.  When a crisis in cotton stopped work for four months, his workers received their full wages all the time. And with all this the business more than doubled in value, and to the last yielded profits to its proprietors.


In spite of all this, Owen was not content.  The existence which he secures for his workers was, in his eyes, still far from being worthy of human beings.  “The people were slaves at my mercy.” The relatively favourable conditions in which he had placed them were still far from allowing a rational development of the character and of the intellect in all directions, much less of the free exercise of all their faculties.


“And yet, the worker part of this population of 2,500 persons was daily producing as much real wealth for society as less than half a century before, it would have required the working part of a population of 600,000 to create.  I asked myself, what had become of the difference between the wealth consumed by 2,500 persons and that which would have been consumed by 600,000?”


The answer was clear.  It had been used to pay proprietors of the establishment 5 per cent on the capital they had laid out, in addition to over £300,000 clear profit.  And that which held for New Lanark held to a still greater extent for all the factories in England.


“If this new wealth had not been created by machinery, imperfectly as it has been applied, the wars of Europe, in opposition to Napoleon, and to support the aristocratic principles of society, could not have been maintained.  And yet this new power was the creation of the working class.”


To them, therefore, the fruits of this new power belonged.  The newly created gigantic productive forces, hitherto used only to enrich individuals and to enslave the masses, offered to Owen the foundations for a reconstruction of society; they were destined, as the common property of all, to be worked for the common good of all.


Owen’s communism was based upon this purely business foundation, the outcome, so to say, of commercial calculation.  Throughout, it maintained this practical character.  Thus, in 1823, Owen proposed the relief of the distress in Ireland by communist colonies, and drew up complete estimates of costs of founding them, yearly expenditure, and probable revenue.  And in his definite plan for the future, the technical working out of details is managed with such practical knowledge – ground plan, front and side and bird’s-eye views all included – that the Owen method of social reform once accepted, there is from the practical point of view little to be said against the actual arrangement of details.


His advance in the direction of communism was the turning-point in Owen’s life. As long as he was simply a philanthropist, he was rewarded with nothing but wealth applause, honour and glory.  He was the most popular man in Europe.  Not only men of his own class, but statesmen and princes listened to him approvingly.  But when he came out with his communist theories that was quite another thing.  Three great obstacles seemed to him especially to block the path to social reform: private property, religion, the present form of marriage.  He knew what confronted him if he attacked these – outlawry, excommunication from official society, the loss of his whole social position.  But nothing of this prevented him from attacking them without fear of consequences, and what he had foreseen happened.  Banished from official society, with a conspiracy of silence against him in the press, ruined by his unsuccessful communist experiments in America, in which he sacrificed all his fortune, he turned directly to the working class and continued working in their midst for thirty years.  Every social movement, every real advance in England on behalf of the workers links itself on to the name of Robert Owen.  He forced through in 1819, after five years’ fighting, the first law limiting the hours of labour of women and children in factories. He was president of the first Congress at which all the Trade Unions of England united in a single great trade association.  He introduced as transition measures to the complete communistic organisation of society, on the one hand, co-operative societies for retail trade and production.  These have since that time, at least, given practical proof that the merchant and the manufacturer are socially quite unnecessary.  On the other hand, he introduced labour bazaars for exchange of the products of labour through the medium of labour-notes, whose unit was a single hour of work; institutions necessarily doomed to failure, but completely anticipating Proudhon’s bank of exchange of a much later period, and differing entirely from this in that it did not claim to be a panacea for all social ills, but only a first step towards a much more radical revolution of society.


The Utopians’ mode of thought has for a long time governed the socialist ideas of the nineteenth century, and still governs some of them.  Until very recently French and English Socialists did homage to it.  The earlier German communism, including that of Weitling, was of the same school.  To all these socialism is the expression of absolute truth, reason and justice, and has only to be discovered to conquer all the world by virtue of its own power.  And as absolute truth is independent of time, space, and of the historical development of man, it is a mere accident when and where it is discovered.  With all this, absolute truth, reason, and justice are different with the founder of each different school.  And as each one’s special kind of absolute truth, reason, and justice is again conditioned by his subjective understanding, his conditions of existence, the measure of his knowledge and his intellectual training, there is no other ending possible in this conflict of absolute truths than that they shall be mutually exclusive one of the other.  Hence, from this nothing could come but a kind of eclectic, average socialism, which, as a matter of fact, has up to the present time dominated the minds of most of the socialist workers in France and England.  Hence, a mish-mash allowing of the most manifold shades of opinion; a mish-mash which is the more easily brewed the more the definite sharp edges on the individual constituents are rubbed down in the stream of debate, like rounded pebbles in a brook.


To make a science of socialism, it had first to be placed upon a real basis.






In the mean time, along with and after the French philosophy of the eighteenth century had arisen the new German Philosophy, culminating in Hegel.  Its greatest merit was the taking up again of dialectics as the highest form of reasoning. The old Greek philosophers were all born natural dialecticians, and Aristotle, the most encyclopaedic intellect of them, had already analysed the most essential forms of dialectic thought.  The newer philosophy, on the other hand, although in it also dialectics had brilliant exponents, (e.g., Descartes and Spinoza), had, especially through English influence, become more and more rigidly fixed in the so-called metaphysical mode of reasoning, by which also the French of the eighteenth century were almost wholly dominated, at all events in their special philosophical work.  Outside philosophy in the restricted sense, the French nevertheless produced masterpieces of dialectics.  We need only call to mind Diderot’s Le Neveu de Rameau  and Rouseau’s Discours sur l’orinine et les fondements de l’inégalité parmi les homes.  We give here, in brief, the essential character of these two modes of thought.


When we consider and reflect upon Nature at large or the history of mankind or our own intellectual activity, at first we see the picture of an endless entanglement of relations and reactions, permutations and combinations, in which nothing remains what, where and as it was, but everything moves, changes, comes into being and passes away.  We see, therefore, at first the picture as a whole, with its individual parts still more or less kept in the background; we observe the movements, transitions, connections, rather than the things that move, combine or are connected.  This primitive, naïve but intrinsically correct conception of the world is that of ancient Greek philosophy, and was first clearly formulated by Heraclitus:  everything is and is not, for everything is fluid, is constantly changing, constantly coming into being and passing away.


But this conception, correctly as it expresses the general character of the picture of appearances as a whole, does not suffice to explain the details of which this picture is made up, and so long as we do not understand these, we have not a clear idea of the whole picture.  In order to understand these details we must detach them from their natural or historical connection and examine each one separately, its nature, special causes, effects, etc.  This is, primarily, the task of natural science and historical research:  branches of science which the Greeks of classical times, on very good grounds, relegated to a subordinate position, because they had first of all to collect materials for these sciences to work upon.  A certain amount of natural and historical material must be collected before there can be any critical analysis, comparison, and arrangement in classes, orders and species.  The foundations of the exact natural sciences were, therefore, first worked out by the Greeks of the Alexandrian period, and later on, in the Middle Ages, by the Arabs.  Real natural science dates from the second half of the fifteenth century, and thence onward it had advanced with constantly increasing rapidity.  The analysis of Nature into its individual parts, the grouping of the different natural processes and objects in definite classes, the study of the internal anatomy of organic bodies in their manifold forms – these were the fundamental conditions of the gigantic strides in our knowledge of Nature that have been made during the last four hundred years.  But this method of work also left us as legacy the habit of observing natural objects and processes in isolation, apart from their connection with the vast whole; of observing them in repose, not in motion; as constants, not as essentially variables; in their death, not in their life.  And when this way of looking at things was transferred by Bacon and Locke from natural science to philosophy, it begot the narrow, metaphysical mode of thought peculiar to the last century.


To the metaphysician, things and their mental reflexes, ideas, are isolated, are to be considered one after the other and apart from each other, are objects of investigation fixed, rigid, given once for all.  He thinks in absolutely irreconcilable antithesis.  “His communication is ‘yea, yea; nay, nay’; for whatsoever is more than these cometh of evil”.  For him a thing either exists or does not exist; a thing cannot at the same time be itself and something else.  Positive and negative absolutely exclude one another; cause and effect stand in rigid antithesis one to the other.


At first sight this mode of thinking seems to us very luminous, because it is that of so-called sound common sense.  Only sound common sense, respectable fellow that he is, in the homely realm of his own four walls, has very wonderful adventures directly he ventures out into the wide world of research.  And the metaphysical mode of thought, justifiable and necessary as it is in a number of domains whose extent varies according to the nature of the particular object of investigation, sooner or later reaches a limit, beyond which it becomes one-sided, restricted, abstract, lost in insoluble contradictions.  In the contemplation of individual things, it forgets the connection between them; in the contemplation of their existence, it forgets their motion.  It cannot see the wood for the trees.


For everyday purposes we know and can say, e.g., whether an animal is alive or not.  But, upon closer inquiry, we find that it is, in many cases, a very complex question, as the jurists know very well.  They have cudgelled their brains in vain to discover a rational limit beyond which the killing of a child in its mother’s womb is murder.  It is just as impossible to determine absolutely the moment of death, for physiology proves that death is not an instantaneous, momentary phenomenon, but a very protracted process.


In like manner, every organic being is every moment the same and not the same; every moment it assimilates matter supplied from without, and gets rid of other matter; every moment some cells of its body die and others build themselves anew; in a longer or shorter time the matter of its body is completely renewed, and is replaced by other molecules of matter, so that every organic being is always itself, and yet something other than itself.


Further, we find upon closer investigation that the two poles of an antithesis, positive and negative, e.g., are as inseparable as they are opposed, and that despite all their opposition, they mutually interpenetrate.  And we find, in like manner, that cause and effect are conceptions which only hold good in their application to individual cases; but as soon as we consider the individual cases in their general connection with the universe as a whole, they run into each other, and they become confounded when we contemplate that universal action and reaction in which causes and effects are eternally changing places, so that what is effect here and now will be cause there and then, and vice versa.


None of these processes and modes of thought enters into the framework of metaphysical reasoning.  Dialectics, on the other hand, comprehends things and their representations, ideas, in their essential connection, concatenation, motion, origin, and ending.  Such processes as those mentioned above are, therefore, so many corroborations of its own method of procedure.


Nature is the proof of dialectics, and it must be said for modern science that it has furnished this proof with very rich materials increasing daily, and thus has shown that, in the last resort, Nature works dialectically and not metaphysically; that she does not move in the eternal oneness of a perpetually recurring circle, but goes through a real historic evolution.  In this connection Darwin must be named before all others.  He dealt the metaphysical conception of Nature the heaviest blow by his proof that all organic beings, plants, animals, and man himself, are the products of a process of evolution going on through millions of years.  But the naturalists who have learned to think dialectically are few and far between, and this conflict of the results of discovery with preconceived modes of thinking explains the endless confusion now reigning in theoretical natural science, and the despair of teachers as well as learners, of authors and readers alike.


An exact representation of the universe, of its evolution, of the development of mankind, and of the reflection of this evolution in the minds of men, can therefore only be obtained by the methods of dialectics with its constant regard to the innumerable actions and reactions of life and death, of progressive and retrogressive changes.  And in this spirit the new German philosophy has worked.  Kant began his career by resolving the stable solar system of Newton and its eternal duration, after the famous initial impulse had been given, into the result of a historic process, the formation of the sun and all the planets out of a rotating nebulous mass.  From this he at the same time drew the conclusion that, given this origin of the solar system, its future death followed of necessity.  His theory half a century later was established mathematically by Laplace, and half a century after that the spectroscope proved the existence in space of such incandescent masses of gas in various stages of condensation.


This new German philosophy culminated in the Hegelian system.  In this system – and herein is its great merit – for the first time the whole world, natural, historical, intellectual, is represented as a process. i.e., in constant motion, change, transformation, development; and the attempt is made to trace out the internal connection that makes a continuous whole of all this movement and development. From this point of view the history of mankind no longer appeared as a wild whirl of senseless deeds of violence, all equally condemnable at the judgment seat of mature philosophic reason and which are best forgotten as quickly as possible, but as the process of evolution of man himself.  It was now the task of the intellect to follow the gradual march of this process through all its devious ways, and to trace out the inner law running through all its apparently accidental phenomena.


That the Hegelian system did not solve the problem it propounded is here immaterial.  Its epoch making merit was that it propounded the problem.  This problem is one that no single individual will ever be able to solve. Although Hegel was, with Saint-Simon, the most encyclopaedic mind of his time, yet he was limited, first, by the necessarily limited extent of his own knowledge and, second, by the limited extent and depth of the knowledge and conceptions of his age.  To these limits a third must be added.  Hegel was an idealist.  To him the thoughts within his brain were not the more or less abstract pictures of actual things and processes, but, conversely, things and their evolution were only the realised pictures of the “Idea”, existing somewhere from eternity before the world was.  This way of thinking turned everything upside down, and completely reversed the actual connection of things in the world.  Correctly and ingeniously as many individual groups of facts were grasped by Hegel, yet, for the reasons just given, there is much that is botched, artificial, laboured, in a word, wrong in point of detail. The Hegelian system, in itself, was a colossal miscarriage – but it was also the last of its kind.  It was suffering, in fact, from an internal and incurable contradiction.  Upon the one hand, its essential proposition was the conception that human history is a process of evolution, which, by its very nature, cannot find its intellectual final term in the discovery of any so-called absolute truth.  But, on the other hand, it laid claim to being the very essence of this absolute truth.  A system of natural and historical knowledge, embracing everything, and final for all time, is a contradiction to the fundamental law of dialectical reasoning.  This law, indeed, by no means excludes, but on the contrary, includes the idea that the systematic knowledge of the external universe can make giant strides from age to age.


The perception of the fundamental contradiction in German idealism led necessarily back to materialism, but, nota bene, not to the simply metaphysical, exclusively mechanical materialism of the eighteenth century.  Old materialism looked upon all previous history as a crude heap of irrationality and violence; modern materialism sees in it the process of evolution of humanity, and aims at discovering the laws thereof.  With the French of the eighteenth century, and even with Hegel, the conception obtained of Nature as a whole, moving in narrow circles, and for ever immutable, with its eternal celestial bodies, as Newton, and unalterable organic species, as Linnaeus, taught.  Modern materialism embraces the more recent discoveries of natural science, according to which Nature also has its history in time, the celestial bodies, like the organic species that, under favourable conditions, people them, being born and perishing.  And even if Nature, as a whole, must still be said to move in recurrent cycles, these cycles assume infinitely larger dimensions.  In both aspects, modern materialism is essentially dialectic, and no longer requires the assistance of that sort of philosophy which, queen-like, pretended to rule the remaining mob of sciences.  As soon as each special science is bound to make clear its position in the great totality of things and of our knowledge of things, a special science dealing with this totality is superfluous or unnecessary.  That which still survives of all earlier philosophy is the science of thought and its laws – formal logic and dialectics.  Everything else is subsumed in the positive science of Nature and history.


Whilst, however, the revolution in the conception of Nature could only be made in proportion to the corresponding materials furnished by research, already much earlier certain historical facts had occurred which led to a decisive change in the conception of history.  In 1831, the first working class rising took place in Lyons; between 1838 and 1842, the first national working-class movement, that of the English Chartists, reached its height.  The class struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie came to the front in the history of the most advanced countries in Europe, in proportion to the development, upon the one hand, of modern industry, upon the other, of the newly-acquired political supremacy of the bourgeoisie.  Facts more and more strenuously gave the lie to the teachings of bourgeois economy as to the identity of interests of capital and labour, as to the universal harmony and universal prosperity that would be the consequence of unbridled competition.  All these things could no longer be ignored, any more than the French and English socialism, which was their theoretical, though very imperfect, expression.  But the old idealist conception of history, which was not yet dislodged, knew nothing of class struggles based upon economic interests, knew nothing of economic interests; production and all economic relations appeared in it only as accidental, subordinate elements in the “history of civilisation”.


The new facts made imperative a new examination of all past history.  Then it was seen that all past history, with the exception of its primitive stages, was the history of class struggles; that these warring classes of society are always the products of the mode of production and exchange – in a word, of the economic conditions of the time; that the economic structure of society always furnished the real basis, starting from which we alone can work out the ultimate explanation of the whole superstructure of juridical and political institutions as well as of the religious, philosophical, and other ideas of a given historical period. Hegel had freed history from metaphysics - he had made it dialectic; but his conception of history was essentially idealistic.  But now idealism was driven from its last refuge, the philosophy of history; now a materialistic treatment of history was propounded, and a method found of explaining man’s “knowing” by his “being”, instead of, as heretofore, his “being” by his “knowing”.


From that time forward socialism was no longer an accidental discovery of this or that ingenious brain, but the necessary outcome of the struggle between two historically developed classes – the proletariat and the bourgeoisie.  Its task was no longer to manufacture a system of society as perfect as possible, but to examine the historico-economic succession of events from which these classes, and their antagonism had of necessity sprung, and to discover in the economic conditions thus created the means of ending the conflict.  But the socialism of earlier days was as incompatible with this materialist conception as the conception of Nature of the French materialists was with dialectics and modern natural science.  The socialism of earlier days criticised the existing capitalistic mode of production and its consequences.  But it could not explain them, and, therefore, could not get the mastery of them.  It could only simply reject them as bad.  The more strongly this earlier socialism denounced the exploitation of the working class, inevitable under capitalism, the less able was it clearly to show in what this exploitation consisted and how it arose. But for this it was necessary, (1) to present the capitalistic method of production in its historical connection and in its inevitableness during a particular historical period, and therefore, also, to present its inevitable downfall; and (2) to lay bare its essential character, which was still a secret.  This was done by the discovery of surplus value. It was shown that the appropriation of unpaid labour is the basis of the capitalist mode of production and of the exploitation of the worker that occurs under it; that even if the capitalist buys the labour power of his labourer at its full value as a commodity on the market, yet he extracts more value from it than he paid for; and that in the ultimate analysis this surplus value forms those sums of value from which are heaped up the constantly increasing masses of capital in the hands of the possessing classes.  The genesis of capitalist production and the production of capital were both explained.


These two great discoveries, the materialistic conception of history and the revelation of the secret of capitalistic production through surplus value, we owe to Marx.  With these discoveries socialism became a science. The next thing was to work out all its details and relations.






The materialist conception of history starts from the proposition that the production of the means to support human life and, next to production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all social structure; that in every society that has appeared in history, the manner in which wealth is distributed and society divided into classes or orders is dependant upon what is produced, how it is produced, and how the products are exchanged.  From this point of view the final causes of all social changes and political revolutions are to be sought, not in men’s brains, not men’s better insight into eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the modes of production and exchange.  They are not to be sought in philosophy, but in the economics of each particular epoch. The growing perception that existing social institutions are unreasonable and unjust, that reason has become unreason and right wrong, is only proof that in the modes of production and exchange changes have silently taken place with which the social order, adapted to earlier economic conditions, are no longer in keeping. From this it follows that the means of getting rid of the incongruities that have been brought to light must also be present, in a more or less developed condition, within the changed modes of production themselves.   These means are not to be invented by deduction from fundamental principles, but are to be discovered in the stubborn facts of the existing system of production.


What is, then, the position of modern socialism in this connection?


The present structure of society – this is now pretty generally conceded – is the creation of the ruling class of today, of the bourgeoisie.  The mode of production peculiar to the bourgeoisie, known, since Marx, as the capitalist mode of production, was incompatible with the feudal system, with the privileges it conferred upon individuals, entire social ranks and local corporations, as well as with the hereditary ties of subordination which constituted the framework of its social organisation. The bourgeoisie broke up the old feudal system and built upon its ruins the capitalist order of society, the kingdom of free competition, of personal liberty, of the equality before the law of all commodity owners, of all the rest of the capitalist blessings. Thenceforward the capitalist mode of production could develop in freedom.  Since steam, machinery, and the making of machines by machinery transformed the older manufacture into modern industry, the productive forces evolved under the guidance of the bourgeoisie developed with a rapidity and in a degree unheard of before.  But just as the older manufacture, in its time, and handicraft, becoming more developed under its influence, had come into collision with the feudal trammels of the guilds, so now modern industry, in its more complete development, comes into collision with the bounds within which the capitalistic mode of production holds it confined. The new productive forces have already outgrown the capitalistic mode of using them.  And this conflict between productive forces and modes of production is not a conflict engendered in the mind of man, like that between original sin and divine justice.  It exists, in fact, objectively, outside us, independently of the will and actions even of the men that have brought it on.  Modern socialism is nothing but the reflex, in thought, of this conflict in fact; its ideal reflection in the minds, first, of the class directly suffering under it, the working class.


Now, in what does this conflict consist?


Before capitalistic production, i.e., in the Middle Ages, the system of petty industry obtained generally, based upon the private property of the labourers in their means of production; in the country, the agriculture of the small peasant, freeman or surf; in the towns, the handicrafts organised in guilds.  The instruments of labour – land, agricultural implements, the workshop, the tool, were the instruments of labour of single individuals, adapted for the use of one worker, and, therefore, of necessity, small, dwarfish, circumscribed.  But, for this very reason they belonged, as a rule, to the producer himself.  To concentrate these scattered, limited means of production, to enlarge them, to turn them into the powerful levers of production of the present day – this was precisely the historic role of capitalist production and its upholder, the bourgeoisie.  In the fourth section of Capital Marx has explained in detail, how since the fifteenth century this has been historically worked out through the three phases of simple co-operation, manufacture and modern industry.  But the bourgeoisie, as is also shown there, could not transform these puny means of production into mighty productive forces without transforming them, at the same time, from means of production of the individual into social means of production only workable by a collectivity of men.  The spinning-wheel, the hand-loom, the blacksmith’s hammer, were replaced by the spinning-machine, the power-loom, the steam-hammer; the individual workshop, by the factory implying the co-operation of hundreds and thousands of workmen.  In like manner, production itself changed from as series of individual into a series of social acts, and the products from individual to social products.  The yarn, the cloth, the metal articles that now came out of the factory, were the joint product of many workers, through whose hands they had successively to pass before they were ready.  No one person could say of them: “I made that; this is my product.”


But where, in a given society, the fundamental form of production is that spontaneous division of labour which creeps in gradually and not upon any preconceived plan, there the products take the form of commodities, whose mutual exchange, buying and selling, enable the individual producers to satisfy their manifold needs.  And this was the case in the Middle Ages.  The peasant, e.g., sold to the artisan agricultural products and bought from him the products of handicraft.  Into this society of individual producers, of commodity producers, the new mode of production thrust itself.  In the midst of the old division of labour, grown up spontaneously and upon no definite plan, which had governed the whole of society, now arose division of labour upon a definite plan, as organised in the factory; side by side with individual production appeared social production.  The products of both were sold in the same market, and, therefore, at prices at least approximately equal.  But organisation upon a definite plan was stronger than spontaneous division of labour.  The factories working with the combined social forces of a collectivity of individuals produced their commodities far more cheaply that the individual small producers.  Individual production succumbed in one department after another.  Socialised production revolutionised all the old methods of production.  But its revolutionary character was, at the same time, so little recognised that it was, on the contrary, introduced as a means of increasing and developing the production of commodities.  When it arose, it found ready-made, and made liberal use of, certain machinery for the production and exchange of commodities; merchants’ capital, handicraft. Wage labour.  Socialised production thus introducing itself as a new form of production of commodities, it was a matter of course that under it the old forms of appropriation remained in full swing, and were applied to its products as well.


 In the mediaeval stage of evolution of the production of commodities, the question as to the owner of the product of labour could not arise.  The individual producer, as a rule, had, from raw material belonging to himself, and generally his own handiwork, produced it with his own tools, by the labour of his own hands or of his family.  There was no need for him to appropriate the new product.  It belonged wholly to him, as a matter of course.  His property in the product was, therefore, based upon his own labour.  Even where external help was used, this was, as a rule, of little importance, and very generally was compensated by something other than wages.  The apprentices and journeymen of the guilds work less for board and wages than for education, in order that they might become master craftsmen themselves.


Then came the concentration of the means of production and of the producers in large workshops and manufactories, their transformation into actual socialised means of production and socialised producers.  But the socialised producers and means of production and their products were still treated, after the change, just as they had been before, i.e., as the means of production and the products of individuals.  Hitherto, the owner of the instruments of labour had himself appropriated the product, because, as a rule, it was his own product and the assistance of others was the exception


 Now the owner of the instruments of labour always appropriated to himself the product, though it was no longer his product but exclusively the product of the labour of others.  Thus, the products now produced socially were not appropriated by those who had actually set in motion the means of production and actually produced the commodities, but by the capitalistsThe means of production, and production itself, had become in essence socialised.  But they were subjected to a form of appropriation which presupposes the private production of individuals, under which, therefore, everyone owns his own product and brings it to market.  The mode of production is subjected to this form of appropriation, although it abolishes the conditions upon which the latter rests. 


This contradiction, which gives to the new mode of production its capitalist character, contains the germ of the whole of the social antagonisms of today.  The greater the mastery obtained by the new mode of production over all important fields of production and in all manufacturing countries, the more it reduced individual production to an insignificant residuum, the more clearly was brought out the incompatibility of socialised production with capitalistic appropriation.


The first capitalists found, as we have said, alongside of other forms of labour, wage-labour ready made for them on the market.  But it was exceptional, complementary, accessory, transitory wage-labour.  The agricultural labourer, though, upon occasion, he hired himself out by the day, had a few acres of his own land on which he could at all events live at a pinch.  The guilds were so organised that the journeyman of today became the master of tomorrow.  But all this changed, as soon as the means of production became socialised and concentrated in the hands of capitalists.  The means of production, as well as the product, of the individual producer became more and more worthless; there was nothing left for him but to turn wage-worker under the capitalist.  Wage-labour, aforetime the exception and accessory, now became the rule and basis of all production; aforetime complementary, it now became the sole remaining function of the worker.  The wage-worker for a time became a wage-worker for life.  The number of these permanent wage-workers was further enormously increased by the breaking up of the feudal system that occurred at the same time, by the disbanding of the retainers of the feudal lords, the eviction of the peasants from their homesteads, etc.  The separation was made complete between the means of production concentrated in the hands of the capitalists, on the one side, and the producers, possessing nothing but their labour-power, on the other.  The contradiction between socialised production and capitalistic appropriation manifested itself as the antagonism of proletariat and bourgeoisie.


We have seen that the capitalist mode of production thrust its way into a society of commodity-producers, of individual producers, whose social bond was the exchange of their products. But every society based upon the production of commodities has this peculiarity: that the producers have lost control over their own social interrelations.  Each man produces for himself with such means of production as he may happen to have, and for such exchange as he may require to satisfy his remaining wants.  No one knows how much of his peculiar article is coming onto the market, nor how much of it will be wanted.  No one knows whether his individual product will meet an actual demand, whether he will be able to make good his costs of production or even sell his commodity at all.  Anarchy reigns in socialised production.


But the production of commodities, like every other form of production, has its peculiar, inherent laws inseparable from it; and these laws work, despite anarchy, in and through anarchy.  They reveal themselves in the only persistent form of social inter-relations, i.e., in exchange, and here they affect the individual producers as compulsory laws of competition.  They are, at first, unknown to these producers themselves, and have to be discovered by them gradually and as the result of experience.  They work themselves out, therefore, independently of the producers, and in antagonism to them, as inexorable natural laws of their particular form of production.  The product governs the producers. 


In mediaeval society, especially in the earlier centuries, production was essentially directed towards satisfying the wants of the individual.  It satisfied, in the main, only the wants of the producer and his family.  Where relations of personal dependence existed, as in the country, it also helped to satisfy the wants of the feudal lord.  In all this there was, therefore, no exchange; the products, consequently, did not assume the character of commodities.  The family of the peasant produced almost everything they wanted; clothes and furniture, as well as means of subsistence.  Only when it began to produce more than was sufficient to supply its own wants and the payments in kind to the feudal lord, only then did it also produce commodities.  This surplus, thrown into socialised exchange and offered for sale, became commodities.


The artisans of the towns, it is true, had from the first to produce for exchange.  But they, also, themselves supplied the greatest part of their own individual wants.  They had gardens and plots of land. They turned their cattle out into the communal forest, which, also, yielded them timber and firing.  The women spun flax, wool, and so forth.  Production for the purpose of exchange, production of commodities, was only in its infancy.  Hence, exchange was restricted, the market narrow, the methods of production stable; there was local exclusiveness without, local unity within; the Mark in the country; in the town, the guild.


But with the extension of the production of commodities, and especially with the introduction of the capitalist mode of production, the laws of commodity production, hitherto latent, came into action more openly and with greater force.  The old bonds were loosened, the old exclusive limits broken through, the producers were more and more turned into independent, isolated producers of commodities.   It became apparent that the production of society at large was ruled by absence of plan, by accident, by anarchy; and this anarchy grew to greater and greater height.  But the chief means by aid of which the capitalist mode of production intensified this anarchy of socialised production was the exact opposite of anarchy. It was the increasing organisation of production, upon a social basis, in every individual productive establishment.  By this, the old, peaceful, stable condition of things was ended.  Wherever this organisation of production was introduced into a branch of industry, it brooked no other method of production by its side.  The field of labour became a battle ground.  The great geographical discoveries, and the colonisation following upon them, multiplied markets and quickened the transformation of handicraft to manufacture.  The war did not simply break out between the individual producers of particular localities.  The local struggles begot in their turn national conflicts, the commercial wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.


Finally, modern industry and the opening of the world market made the struggle universal, and at the same time gave it an unheard-of virulence.  Advantages in natural or artificial conditions of production now decide the existence or non-existence of individual capitalists, as well as of whole industries and countries.  He that falls is remorselessly cast aside.  It is the Darwinian struggle of the individual for existence transferred from Nature to society with intensified violence.  The conditions of existence natural to the animal appear as the final term of human development.  The contradiction between socialised production and capitalistic appropriation now presents itself as an antagonism between the organisation of production in the individual workshop and the anarchy of production in society generally.


In these crises, the contradiction between socialised production and capitalist appropriation ends in a violent explosion. The circulation of commodities is, for the time being, stopped.  Money, the means of circulation, becomes a hindrance to circulation.  All the laws of production and circulation of commodities are turned upside down.  The economic collision has reached its apogee.  The mode of production is in rebellion against the mode of exchange.


The fact that the socialised organisation of production within the factory has developed so far that it has become incompatible with the anarchy of production in society, which exists side by side with and dominates it, is brought home to the capitalists themselves by the violent concentration of capital which occurs during crises, through the ruin of many large, and still a greater number of small, capitalists. The whole mechanism of the capitalist mode of production breaks down under the pressure of the productive forces, its own creations.  It is no longer able to turn all this mass of means of production into capital.  They lie fallow, and for that very reason the industrial reserve army must also lie fallow.  Means of production, means of subsistence, available labourers, all the elements of production and of general wealth, are present in abundance.  But “abundance becomes a source of distress and want” (Fourier), because it is the very thing which prevents the transformation of the means of production and subsistence into capital.  For in capitalistic society the means of production can only function when they have undergone a preliminary transformation into capital, into the means of exploiting human labour power.  The necessity of this transformation into capital of the means of production and subsistence stands like a ghost between these and the workers.  It alone prevents the coming together of the material and personal levers of production; it alone forbids the means of production to function, the workers to work and live.  On the one hand, therefore, the capitalistic mode of production stands convicted of its own incapacity to further direct these productive forces.  On the other, these productive forces themselves, with increasing energy, press forward to the removal of the existing contradiction, to the abolition of their quality as capital, to the practical recognition of their character as social productive forces.


This rebellion of the productive forces, as they grow more and more powerful, against their quality as capital, this stronger and stronger command that their social character shall be recognised, forces the capitalist class itself to treat them more and more as social productive forces, so far as this is possible under capitalist conditions.  The period of industrial high pressure, with its unbounded inflation of credit, not less than the crash itself, by the collapse of great capitalist establishments, tends to bring about that form of the socialisation of great masses of means of production which we meet in the different kinds of joint-stock companies.  Many of these means of production and distribution are, from the outset, so colossal that, like the railways, they exclude all other forms of capitalistic exploitation.  At a further stage of evolution this form also becomes insufficient.  The producers on a large scale in a particular branch of industry in a particular country unite in a trust, a union for the purpose of regulation of production.  They determine the total amount to be produced, parcel it out among themselves, and thus enforce the selling price fixed beforehand.  But trusts of this kind, as soon as business becomes bad, are generally liable to break up, and on this very account compel a yet greater concentration of association.  The whole of a particular industry is turned into one gigantic join-stock company; internal competition gives place to the internal monopoly of this one company.  This has happened in 1890 with the English alkali production, which is now, after the fusion of 48 large works, in the hands of one company, conducted upon a single plan, and with a capital of £6,000,000.


In the trusts, freedom of competition changes into its very opposite – into monopoly; and the production without any definite plan of capitalistic society capitulates to the production upon a definite plan of the invading socialistic society.  Certainly this is so far still to the benefit and advantage of the capitalists.  But in this case the exploitation is so palpable that it must break down.  No nation will put up with production conducted by trusts, with so bare faced an exploitation of the community by a small band of dividend-mongers.


In any case, with trusts or without, the official representative of capitalist society – the state – will ultimately have to undertake the direction of production. This necessity for conversion into state property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse and communication – the post office, telegraphs, the railways.


If the crises demonstrate the incapacity of the bourgeoisie for managing any longer modern productive forces, the transformation of the great establishments for production and distribution into joint-stock companies, trusts and state property shows how unnecessary the bourgeoisie are for that purpose. All the social functions of the capitalists are now performed by salaried employees.  The capitalist has no further social function than that of pocketing the dividends, tearing off the coupons, and gambling on the Stock Exchange, where the different capitalists despoil one another of their capital.  At first the capitalistic mode of production forces out the workers.  Now it forces out the capitalists, and reduces them, just as it reduced the workers, to the ranks of the surplus population, although not immediately into those of the industrial reserve army. But the transformation, either into join-stock companies and trusts, or into state ownership, does not do away with the capitalistic nature of the productive forces.  In the joint-stock companies and trusts this is obvious.  And the modern state, again, is only the organisation that bourgeois society takes on in order to support the external conditions of the capitalist mode of production against encroachments as well of the workers as of individual capitalists.  The modern state, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine, the state of the capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national capital.  The more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces, the more does it actually become the national capitalist, the more citizens does it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers – proletarians. The capitalist relation is not done away with.  It is rather brought to a head.  But, brought to a head, it topples over.  State ownership of the productive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the elements of that solution.


This solution can only consist in the practical recognition of the social nature of the modern forces of production, and therefore in the harmonising of the modes of production, appropriation and exchange with the socialised character of the means of production. And this can only come about by society openly and directly taking possession of the productive forces which have outgrown all control except that of society as a whole.  The social character of the means of production and of the products today reacts against the producers, periodically disrupts all production and exchange, acts only like a law of nature working blindly, forcibly, destructively.  But with the taking over by society of the productive forces, the social character of the means of production and of the products will be utilised by the producers with a perfect understanding of its nature, and instead of being a source of disturbance and periodic collapse, will become a most powerful lever of production itself.


Active social forces work exactly like natural forces: blindly, forcibly, destructively, so long as we do not understand, and reckon with, them. But when once we understand them, when once we grasp their action, their direction, their effects, it depends only upon ourselves to subject them more and more to our own will, and by means of them to reach our own ends.  And this holds quite especially of the mighty productive forces of today.  As long as we obstinately refuse to understand the nature and the character of these social means of action – and this understanding goes against the grain of the capitalist mode of production and its defenders – so long these forces are at work in spite of us, in opposition to us, so long they master us, as we have shown above in detail.


But when once their nature is understood, they can, in the hands of the producers working together, be transformed from master demons into willing servants.  The difference is as that between the destructive force of electricity in the lightning of the storm, and electricity under command in the telegraph and the voltaic arc; the difference between a conflagration, and fire working in the service of man. With this recognition, at last, of the real nature of the productive forces of today, the social anarchy of production gives place to a social regulation of production upon a definite plan, according to the needs of the community and of each individual.  Then the capitalist mode of appropriation, in which the product enslaves first the producer and then the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the products that is based upon the nature of the modern means of production; upon the one hand, the direct social appropriation, as mean of maintenance and extension of production – on the other, the direct individual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment. 


Whilst the capitalist mode of production more and more completely transforms the great majority of the population into proletarians, it creates the power which, under penalty of its own destruction, is forced to accomplish this revolution.  Whilst it forces on more and more the transformation of the vast means of production, already socialised, into state property, it shows itself the way to accomplishing this revolution.  The proletariat seizes power and turns the means of production into state property.


But, in doing this, it abolishes itself as proletariat, abolishes all class distinctions and class antagonisms, abolishes also the state as state.  Society thus far, based upon class antagonisms, had need of the state.  That is, of an organisation of the particular class which was pro tempore the exploiting class, an organisation for the purpose of preventing any interference from without with the existing conditions of production, and, therefore, especially, for the purpose of forcibly keeping the exploited classes in the condition of oppression corresponding with the given mode of production (slavery, serfdom, wage labour). The state was the official representative of society as a whole; the gathering of it together into a visible embodiment.  But it was this only in so far as it was the state of that class which itself represented, for the time being, society as a whole: in ancient times, the state of slave-owning citizens; in the Middle Ages, the feudal lords; in our time, the bourgeoisie.  When at last it becomes the real representative of the whole of society, it renders itself unnecessary.  As soon as there is no longer any social class to be held in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for existence based upon our present anarchy of production, with the collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a state, is no longer necessary.  The first act by virtue of which the state really constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society – the taking possession of the means of production in the name of society – this is, at the same time, its last independent act as the state.  State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after another, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the government of persons is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct of the process of production.  The state is not “abolished.”  It dies out.  This gives the measure of the value of the phrase “a free state,” both as to its justifiable use at times by agitators, and as to its ultimate scientific insufficiency; and also of the demands of the so-called anarchists for the abolition of the state out of hand.


Since the historical appearance of the capitalist mode of production, the appropriation by society of all the means of production has often been dreamed of, more or less vaguely, by individuals, as well as by sects, as the ideal of the future.  But it could become possible, could become a historical necessity, only when the actual conditions for its realisation where there.  Like every other social advance, it becomes practicable, not by men understanding that the existence of classes is in contradiction to justice, equality etc., not by the mere willingness to abolish these classes, but by virtue of certain new economic conditions.  The separation of society into an exploiting and an exploited class, a ruling and an oppressed class, was the necessary consequence of the deficient and restricted development of production in former times.  So long as the total social labour only yields a produce which but slightly exceeds that barely necessary for the existence of all; so long, therefore, as labour engages all or almost all the time of the great majority of the members of society – so long, of necessity, this society is divided into classes.  Side by side with the great majority, exclusively bond slaves to labour, arises a class freed from directly productive labour, which looks after the general affairs of society: the direction of labour, state business, law, science, art, etc.  It is, therefore, the law of division of labour that lies at the basis of the division into classes.  But this does not prevent this division into classes from being carried out by means of violence and robbery, trickery and fraud.  It does not prevent the ruling class, once having the upper hand, from consolidation its power at the expense of the working class, from turning its social leadership into an intensified exploitation of the masses.


But if, upon this showing, division into classes has a certain historical justification, it has this only for a given period, only under given social conditions.  It was based upon the insufficiency of production.  It will be swept away by the complete development of modern productive forces.  And, in fact, the abolition of classes in society presupposes a degree of historical evolution at which the existence, not simply of this or that ruling class, but of any ruling class at all, and, therefore, the existence of class distinction itself has become an obsolete anachronism.  It presupposes, therefore, the development of production carried out to a degree at which appropriation of the means of production and of the products, and, with this, of political domination, of the monopoly of culture, and of intellectual leadership by a particular class of society, has become not only superfluous but economically, politically, intellectually, a hindrance to development.


This point is now reached.  Their political and intellectual bankruptcy is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves.  Their economic bankruptcy recurs regularly every ten years.  In every crisis, society is suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive forces and products, which it cannot use, and stands helpless, face to face with the absurd contradiction that the producers have nothing to consume, because consumers are wanting. The expansive force of the means of production bursts the bonds that the capitalist mode of production had imposed upon them.  Their deliverance form these bonds is the one precondition for an unbroken, constantly accelerated development of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically unlimited increase of production itself.  Nor is this all.  The socialised appropriation of the means of production does away, not only with the present artificial restrictions upon production, but also with the positive waste and devastation of productive forces and products that are at the present time the inevitable concomitants of production and that reach their height in the crises. Further, it sets free for the community at large a mass of means of production and of products, by doing away with the senseless extravagance of the ruling classes of today and their political representatives. The possibility of securing for every member of society, by means of socialised production, an existence not only fully sufficient materially, and becoming day by day more full, but an existence guaranteeing to all the free development and exercise of their physical and mental faculties – this possibility is now for the first time here, but it is here.


With the seizing of the means of production by society, production of commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of the product over the producer.  Anarchy in social production is replaced by systematic, definite organisation.  The struggle for individual existence disappears.  Then for the first time man, in a certain sense, is finally marked off from the rest of the animal kingdom, and emerges from mere animal conditions of existence into really human ones.  The whole sphere of the conditions of life which environ man, and which have hitherto ruled man, now comes under the dominion and control of man, who for the first time becomes the real conscious lord of Nature, because he has now become master of his own social organisation.  The laws of his own social action, hitherto standing face to face with man as laws of Nature foreign to, and dominating him, will then be used with full understanding, and so mastered by him.  Man’s own social organisation, hitherto confronting him as a necessity imposed by Nature and history, now becomes the result of his own free action. The extraneous objective forces that have hitherto governed history pass under the control of man himself.  Only from that time will man himself, more and more consciously, make his own history – only from that time will the social causes set in motion by him have, in the main and in a constantly growing measure, the results intended by him.  It is the ascent of man from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom.


Let us briefly sum up our sketch of historical evolution.


l. Mediaeval Society – Individual production on a small scale.  Means of production adapted for individual use; hence primitive, ungainly, petty, dwarfed in action. Production for immediate consumption, either of the producer himself or of his feudal lord.  Only where an excess of production over this consumption occurs is such excess offered for sale, enters into exchange.  Production of commodities, therefore, only in its infancy.  But already it contains within itself, in embryo, anarchy in the production of society at large.


ll. Capitalist Revolution.  Transformation of industry, at first by means of simple co-operation and manufacture.  Concentration of the means of production, hitherto scattered, into great workshops.  As a consequence, their transformation from individual to social means of production – a transformation which does not, on the whole, affect the form of exchange.  The old forms of appropriation remain in force.  The capitalist appears.  In his capacity as owner of the means of production, he also appropriates the products and turns them into commodities.  Production has become a social act.  Exchange and appropriation continue to be individual acts, the acts of individuals.  The social product is appropriated by the individual capitalist.  Fundamental contradiction, whence arise all contradictions in which our present-day society moves, and which modern industry brings to light.


A. Severance of the producer from the means of production.  Condemnation of the worker to wage-labour for life.  Antagonism between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. 


B. Growing predominance and increasing effectiveness  of the laws governing the production of commodities.  Unbridled competition.  Contradiction between socialised organisation in the individual factory and social anarchy in production as a whole.


C. On the one hand, perfecting of machinery, made by competition compulsory for each individual manufacturer, and complements by a constantly growing displacement of labourers.  Industrial reserve army. On the other hand, unlimited extension of production, also compulsory under competition, for every manufacturer.  On both sides, unheard-of development of productive forces, excess of supply over demand, over-production,  glutting of the markets, crises every ten years, the vicious circle: excess here, of means of production and products – excess there, of labourers, without employment and without means of existence.  But these two levers of production and of social well-being are unable to work together, because the capitalist form of production prevents the productive forces from working and the products from circulation, unless they are first turned into capital – which their very super-abundance prevents.  The contradiction has grown into an absurdity.  The mode of production rises in rebellion against the form of exchange.  The bourgeoisie are convicted of incapacity further to manage their own social productive forces.


D. Partial recognition of the social character of the productive forces forced upon the capitalists themselves.  Taking over of the great institutions for production and communication, first by joint-stock companies, later on by trusts, then by the state. The bourgeoisie demonstrated to be a superfluous class.  All its social functions are now carried out by salaried employees.


lll. Proletarian Revolution – Solution of the contradictions.  The proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms the socialised means of production, slipping from the hands of the bourgeoisie, into public property.  By this act, the proletariat frees the means of production from the character of capital the have thus far borne, and gives their socialised character complete freedom to work itself out.  Socialised production upon a predetermined plan becomes henceforth possible.  The development of production makes the existence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism.  In proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes, the political authority of the state dies out.  Man, at last the master of his own form of social organisation, becomes at the same time the lord over Nature, his own master – free.


To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical mission of the modern proletariat.  To thoroughly comprehend the historical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to the now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions and the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, scientific socialism.



Written by Engels Between January                                                                                  Printed according to the text

and the first half of March 1880                                                                                        of the authorised English

                                                                                                                                           edition of 1892

Published in the journal La Revue

Socialiste Nos. 3, 4, and 5, March 20,

April 20 and May 5, 1880, and as

a separate pamphlet in French:

F. Engels, Socialisme utopique et

Socialisme scientifique,

Paris, 1880